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Lectures on The Harvard Classics


William Allan Neilson PhD general editor


Georoe Piebce Bakeh. a. B.

Ernest Bbrnb*vu, Ph. D.

Charles J. BcLtAcK, Ph. D.

Thouab Nixon Cabver, Ph. D., LL. D.

OBORas H. Chasr, Ph. D.

William Mohkih Davis, M. K., Ph. D.,

Howard Mavnadieh. Ph. D. Cldtorb Hebschel Moore, Ph. D. William Bennett Munro, LL. B^

Be. D

Roland Burraob Dixon, A. M.. P William Scott FEBCuaoN, Ph. D. J. D. M. FOBD. Ph, D. KUNO Franckk, Ph. D., LL. D. Chablss Hall Ohandoent, A. B. Chester Notes Qrbenough, Fh, Charles Bubton Oulick, Pb. D.

I. D.




[ Hen

Fbahk W. ( Hbmbv Wiman Holmes, a. M. WiLLUM QuiLD Howard, A. M . Robert Hatteson Johnston,

(CftDtab.) Charles Rockwell LAnman, T


Buss Perrv, L. H. D., Utt, D., LL.I Ralph Barton Perrv, Ph. D. Chandler Rathfon Post, Ph. dl ' . MuRRAV Anthony Potter, Ph. iS, \ RoscOE Pound, Ph. D., LL. M. ' -' Fred Norbis Robinson, Ph. D. Alfred Dwiqht Sheffield, a. M, O. M. W. Spragub, a. M.. Fh, D, Oliver Mitchell Wentworik

william roscoe thayer, a.m. Frederick Jackson Turner, Fh. D.,

LL. D.



Copyright. 191 4 Bt p. F. Collier & Son

Designed, Printed, and Boond ttt ^fie Cottier PreM. j(to loci



History 7

I. General Introduction. By Robert Matteson Johnston, M.A. (Cantab.), Assistant Professor of Modern History in Har- vard University 7

II. ANaENT History. By William Scott Ferguson, Ph.D., Pro- fessor of History in Harvard University 24

III. The Renaissance. By Murray Anthonjr Potter, Ph.D., Assist-

ant Pk-ofessor of Romance Languages in Harvard University. 33

IV. The French Revolution. By Robert Matteson Johnston,

M.A. (Cantab.) 38

V. The Territorial Development of the United States. By Frederick Jackson Turner, Ph.D., LL. D., Litt.D., Pro- fessor of History in Harvard University. 43

Poetry 51

I. General Introduction. By Carleton Koyes, A. M., formerly

Instructor in English in Harvard University 51

II. Homer and the Epic. By Charles Burton Gulick, Ph.D., Professor of Greek in Harvard University, and (1911-1912) in the American School of Classical Studies at Athens. . 69

III. Dante. By Charles Hall Grandgent, A. B., Professor of Ro-

mance Languages in Harvard University 74

IV. The Poems of John Milton. By Ernest Bernbaum, Ph.D.,

Instructor in English in Harvard University 79

V. The English Anthology. By Carleton Noyes, A.M. , . 84

Natural Science 90

I. General Introduction. By Lawrence Joseph Henderson, M. D., Assistant Professor of Biological Chemistry in Har- vard University 90

II. Astronomy. By Lawrence Joseph Henderson, M.D. . . . 108

III. Physics and Chemistry. By Lawrence Joseph Henderson,

M.D 1x3

IV. The Biological Sciences. By Lawrence Joseph Henderson,

M.D 118

V. Kelvin on "Light" and "The Tides." By William Morris Davis, M. E., Ph.D., Sc.D., Sturgis-Hooper Professor of (^logy> Emeritus, in Harvard University, Fellow of the Amencan Academy of Arts and Sciences, Exchange Pro- fessor to the University of Berlin and to the Sorbonne. 123




Philosophy 129

I. General Intsoduction. By Ralph Barton Perry, Ph.D., Pro- fessor of Philosophy y Harvard University 129

II. Socrates, Plato, and the Roman Stoics. Bjjr Charles Pome- roy Parker, B. A. (Oxon.), Professor of Greek and Latin, Harvard University 148

III. The Rise op Modern Philosophy. By Ralph Barton Perry,

Ph.D 153

IV. Introduction to Kant. By Ralph Barton Perry, Ph.D. . . iS9


V. EmRsoN. By Chester Noyes Greenough, Ph.D., Assistant Professor ox English, Harvard University

Biography .170

I. General Introduction. By William Roscoe Thayer, A.M., Kniffht of the Order of the Crown of Italy, editor of Har- vard Graduates' Magazine 170

II. Plutarch. By William Scott Ferguson, Ph.D., Professor of

Modern History, Harvard University 188

III. Benvenuto Cellini. By Chandler Rathfon Post, Ph. P.,

Assistant Professor of Greek, Harvard University . . 193

IV. Franklin and Woolman. By Chester Noyes Greenough,

Ph.D., Assistant Professor of^ English, Harvard University. X98

V. John Stuart MxlXt. By Oliver Mitchell Wentworth Sprague, Ph. D , Assistant Professor of Banking and Finance, Harvard University. ••••• •••• 203

Prose Fiction . . . , 208

I. General Introduction. By William Allan Neilson, Ph.D.. Author of "The Origins and Sources of The Court of Love,'* "Essentials of Poetry," editor of "The Chief Elizabethan Dramatists," etc, general editor of "The Tudor Shake- speare," "The Types of English Literature." 208

II. Popular Prose Fiction. By Fred Norris Robinson, Ph. D.,

Professor of English, Harvard University a27

III. Malory. By Gustavus Howard Maynadier, Ph.D., Instructor

in English, Harvard University 232

IV. CERVANTEgi By J. D. M. Ford, Ph. D., Smith Professor of the

French and Spanish Languages, Harvard University, corre- sbonding member Royal Spanish Academy (Madrid) and Hispanic Society of America 338

V. Manzonx. By J. D. M. Ford, Ph.D 243

Criticism and the Essay 248

I. General Introduction. By Bliss Perry, L. H.D., LittD-, LL.D., Professor of English Literature, Harvard University, formerljr editor Atlantic Monthly, Harvard Lecturer at the University of Paria. ••••• 348


Criticism and the Essay Continued


II. What trb Middle Agss Read. By William Alltn Neilson,

Ph.D 264

III. Theories of Poetry. By Bliss Perry, L.H. D., Litt. D., LL.D. 370

IV. Esthetic Criticism ih Germany. By William Guild Howard,

A.M., Assistant Professor of German, Harvard University. . 277

V. The Composition op a Criticism By Ernest Bembaum,

Ph.D., Instructor in English, Harvard University. . aBa

Education 287

I. General Introduction. By Henry Wyman Holmes, A.M.,

Assistant Professor of Education, Harvard University 269

II. Francis Bacon. By Ernest Bembaum, Ph.D., Instructor in

English, Harvard University 304

III. Locks and Milton. By Henry Wyman Holmes, A. M., Assist-

ant Professor of Education, Harvard Univtrsity. . . . 309

IV. CarlYls and Newman. By Frank W. C Hersey, A. M.,

Instructor in English, Harvard University* 316

V. HvxLEY ON Science and Culture. By A. O. Norton, A. M.,

Professor of Education in Wellesley College. 32a

Political Science 328

I. General Introduction. By Thomas Nixon Carver, Ph. D., LL. D., David G. Wells Professor of Political Economy, Harvard University 326

II. Theories op Government in the Renaissance. By O. M. W. Sprague, A. M., Ph. D., Edmund Cogswell Converse Pro- fessor of Banking and Finance, Harvard University. ... 347

III. Adam Smith and the "Wealth op Nations," By Charles

J. Bullock, Ph. D., Professor of Economics, Harvard Uni- versity 353

IV. The Growth of the American Constitution. By William

Bennett Munro, LL. B., Ph. D., LL. D., Professor of Munici- pal Government, Harvard University 359

V. Law and Liberty. By Roscoe Pound, Ph.D., LL.M., Carter

Professor of General Jurisprudence, Harvard University . 364

Drama 3^

I. General Introduction. By George Pierce Baker, A. B., Pro- fessor of Dramatic Literature, Harvard University. . . . 369

II. Greek Tragedy. By Charles Burton Gulick, Ph.D., Professor of Greek, Harvard University, and (1911-1912) in the Ameri- can School of Classical Studies at Athens 387

III. The Elizabethan Drama. By William Allan Neilson, Ph.D. 393

IV. The Faust Legend. By Kuno Francke, Ph. D., LL. D., Pro-

fessor of the History of German Culture, and Curator Ger- manic Museum, Harvard University 398

V. Modern English Drama. By Ernest Bembaum, Ph. D., In-

structor in English, Harvard University.



Voyages and Travel 408

I. General Intkoduction. By Roland Burrage Dixon, A. M., Ph.D.» Assistant Professor of Anthropology, Harvard Uni- versity 408

11. Hexodotus on Egypt. By George H. Chase, Ph.D., Assistant

Professor of Classical Archxology, Harvard University. . 427

in. The Elizabethan Adventurers. By William Allan Neilson,

PhD 433

IV. The Era of Discovery. By William Bennett Munro, LL.B., Ph. EX, LL.D., Professor of Municipal Government, Harvard University 438

V. Darwin's Voyage op the Beagle. By George Howard Parker,

S.D., Professor of Zoology, Harvard University. ... 443

Religion 449

I. General Introduction. By Ralph Barton Perry, Ph.D.,

Professor of Philosophy, Harvard University 449

II. Buddhism. By Charles Rockwell Lanman, Ph.D., LL.D.,

Professor of Sanskrit in Harvard Universi^ 469

III. Confucianism. By Alfred Dwight Sheffield,' A. M., Instructor

in Wellesley College 475

IV. Greek Religion. By Clifford Herschel Moore, Ph.D., Pro-

fessor of Latin in Harvard University, Professor in Ameri- can School of Qassical Studies in Rome, 1905-6 481

V. Pascal. By Charles Henry Conrad Wright, M. A., Professor

of French in Harvard University 486

The Lecture Series on the contents of The Harvard Classics ought to do much to open that collection of literary materials to many ambitious young men and women whose education was cut short by the necessity of contributing in early life to the family earnings, or of supporting themselves, "and who must therefore reach the standing of a cultivated man or woman through the pleasurable devotion of a few minutes a day through many years to the reading of good literature." (Introduction to The Harvard Classics.) The Series will also assist many readers to cultivate "a taste for serious reading of the highest quality outside of The Har- vard Classics as well as within them." (Ibid.) It will cer- tainly promote the accomplishment of the educational object I had in mind when I made the collection.

Charles W. Eliot.

The Harvard Classics provided the general reader with a great storehouse of standard works in all the main depart- ments of intellectual activity. To this storehouse the Lec- tures now open the door.

Through the Lectures the student is introduced to a vast range of topics, under the guidance of distinguished pro- fessors.

The Five-Foot Shelf, with its introductions, notes, guides to reading, and exhaustive indexes, may thus claim to constitute with these Lectures a reading course unpar- alleled in comprehensiveness and authority,

William Allan Neilson.



By Professor Rob£rt Matteson JoHNstoN

HISTORY alone, of all modes of thought, places the readfer above his author. While the historian rfiofe mt less diligently plods along his own narrow path, perhaps the one millionth part of all history, every avenue opeftS wide to the imagitiatioti of tho&e Who read hirti. To them histoty may mean anything that cortcems man arid that has a past; not polities otily, but art, arid seienee, arid triusic have had their birth and gtoWth; tiot ilistitUtiohS bnly, but legends and chronicles arid all the masterpieees of litetatut^, fefifcet the clash of tiations and the tragedies bf gfeat meri. And it is just because the reader* is merely a reader that the full joy of history is open to him. He Wears rib fetters, so that eveti were he bent ort mastering the constitutional docu- ments of the United States he could turn aside With a calm conseletice to listen to the echoes of dying Roland's hbrti in the gorge bf Roneevaux ot to stand by Cnut Watching the North Sea tide as It lapped the old Dane*s feet.

In fall directions, in altnost every braneh of literature, his- toty may be discovered, a rriultif orm chameleon ; and yet his* tory does not really exist. No one has yet composed a record of humanity; and no one ever will, for it is beyond man's powers. Macaulay's history covered forty years; that of Thucydides embraced only the Peloponnesian war; Gibbon, a giant among the modertis, succeeded in sparming ten cen- tuf ies after a fashion, but has fotmd no imitators. The truth is there IS tio subject, save perhaps astronomy, that is quite so vast and quite so little known. Its outline, save in the sham history of text books, is entirely wanting. Its details, whete teally known to students, are infinitely diflBcult to



bring into relation. For this reason it may be worth while to attempt, in the space of one short essay, to coordinate the great epochs of history, from the earliest to the most recent times.

The practical limit of history extends over a period of about three thousand years, goes back, in other words, to about 1000 B, C. Beyond that we have merely scraps of archaeo- logical evidence; names of pictures engraved on stone, to show that in periods very remote considerable monarchies flourished in Egypt, along the Euphrates, and in other direc- tions. It was not these people who were to set their imprint on later ages, it was rather what were then merely untutored and unknown wandering tribes of Aryans, which, working their way through the great plains of the Volga, the Dnieper, and the Danube, eventually forced their way into the Balkan and the Italian peninsulas. There, with the sea barring their further progress, they took on more settled habits, and formed, at some distant epoch, cities, among which Athens and Rome were to rise to the greatest celebrity. And about the year looo B. C, or a little later, Greece emerges from obscurity with Homer.

Just as Greece burst from her chrysalis, a Semitic people, the Jews, were producing their counterpart to Homer. In the Book of Joshua they narrated in the somber mood of their race the conquest of Palestine by their twelve nomad tribes, and in the Pentateuch and later writings they recorded their law and their religion. From this starting point, Homer and Joshua, whose dates come near enough for our purpose, we will follow the history of the Mediterranean and of the West


First the great rivers, the Nile and the Euphrates, later the great inland sea that stretched westward to the Atlantic, were the avenues of commerce, of luxury, of civilization. Tyre, Phocaea, Carthage, and Marseilles were the early traders, who brought to the more military Aryans not only all the wares of east and west but language itself, the alpha- bet. Never was a greater gift bestowed on a greater race.


With it the Greeks developed a wonderful literature that was to leave a deep impress on all Western civilization. They wove their early legends into the chaste and elegant verse of the Homeric epics, into the gloomy and poignant drama of -^schylus, Sophocles, and Euripides. They then turned to history and philosophy. In the former they produced a masterpiece of composition with Thucydides and one of the most delightful of narratives with Herodotus. In the latter they achieved their most important results.

Greek philosophy was to prove the greatest intellectual asset of humanity. No other civilization or language before the Grefek had invented the abstract ideas : time, will, space, beauty, truth, and the others. And from these wonderful, though imperfect, word ideas the vigorous and subtle Greek intellect rapidly raised a structure which found its supreme expression in Plato, Aristotle, and Zeno. But from the close of the Fourth Century before Christ, the time of Aristotle and his pupil Alexander the Great, Greek began to lose its vitality and to decay.

This decadence coincided with events of immense political importance. Alexander created a great Greek Empire, stretch- ing from the Mediterranean to the Indus. After his death this empire was split into a number of monarchies, the Greek kingdoms of the East, of which the last to survive was that of the Ptolemies in Egypt This perished when Augustus de- feated Qeopatra and Antony at Actium in B. C. 31, exactly three hundred years after Alexander's final victory over Darius at Arbela.


During these three hundred years a more western branch of the Aryans, the Romans, had gradually forced their way to supremacy. It was not until about B. C. 200 that Rome broke down the power of Carthage, got control of the west- ern Mediterranean, and then suddenly stretched out her hand over its eastern half. In less than two centuries more she had completed the conquest of the Balkans, Asia Minor, and Egypt, and the Mediterranean had become a Roman lake.

The city of Rome may go back to B. C. 1000, and the


legfends and history of the Repuhlic afford an outline of facts since about B. C. 500, but it was only after egtabliahing con- tact with the civilization and language of Greece that the Romans really found literary expression. Their tongue had not the elasticity and harmony of the Greek, nor had it the wealth of vocabulary, the abstract terms ; it was more fitted, by its terseness, clearness, and gravity, to be the medium of the legislator and administrator. Under the influence of foreign conquest and of Greek civilization, Rome, however, quickly evolved a literature of her own, an echo of the su- perior and riper one produced by the people «be had con- quered; it tinged with glory the last years of the Republic and the early ones of the Empire, the age of Augustus, Vif- gil produced a highly polished, if not convincing, imitation of Homer. Lucretius philosophized a crude materialistia uni- verse in moderate hexameters. Cicero, with better success and some native quality, modeled himself on Demosth^^ea; while the historians alone equaled their Greek masters, and in the statesmanlike instinct and poisoned irony of Tlt^itus re- vealed a worthy rival of Thucydides.

Latin and Greek were the two common languagefi of the Mediterranean just as the unwieldy Republic of Rem^ was turning to imperialism. The Greek universitiei, Athens, Fergamen, and Alexandria, dictated the fashions ^f inti^l^c- tualism, and gave preeminence to a decadent an4 ^ubtili^ed criticism and philosophy perversely derived from the Orf^ck masters of the golden age. But a third influence was on the point of making itself felt in the newly organised Jtf«^4iter- ranean political system that of the Jews.


To understand the part the Jews were now to play, }t js necessary first of all to look back upon the general character of the social and political struggles of those ancient centuries. At the time of Homer's heroes, and, in a way, until tb*t of Alexander the Great, states were small, generally a city or a group of cities. War was constant, and generally accompanied by destruction and slavery. As the centuries slipped by, the scale increased. Athens tried Xo create a §9loaial empire as


did Carthage, and the great continental states, Macedon and Rome, followed close at their heels. In the last century or so before Christ, war was nearly continuous on a vast scale, and it was attended by at least one circumstance that demands special consideration.

Social inequality was a fundamental conception of the ancient world. The Greek cities in their origin had been communities ruled by a small caste of high-bred families. The social hierarchy proceeded down from them to the slave, and war was waged on a slave basis, the victor acquiring the vanquished. The great wars of the Roman Republic against the Greek monarchies were huge treasure-seeking and slave- driving enterprises that reduced to servitude the most able and most refined part of the population of the conquered countries. Rome had created a great Mediterranean state, but at a terrible price. The civilization she had set up had no religion save an empty formalism, and no heart at all. It was the Jews who were to remedy this defect.

All through the East and in some parts of the West the Jewish merchants formed conspicuous communities in the cities of the Empire, giving an example of spiritual faith, of seriousness and rectitude, that contrasted strongly with what prevailed in the community. For materialism and epicurean- ism were the natural outcome of a period of economic pros- perity; religion was at its best formalistic, at its worst orgiastic; ethical elements were almost wholly lacking. Yet a revolt against the soullessness and iniquities of the times was proceeding and men were prepared to turn to whatever leaders could give them a system large enough to satisfy the cravings of long-outraged conscience, and large enough to fill the bounds of the Mediterranean Empire. Three Jews ^Jesus, Paul, and Philo— <ame forward to do this work.

Jesus was the example, the man of conscience, the redeemer God. For in this last capacity he could readily be made to fit in with the Asiatic cults of the sun and of redemption which were at that time the most active and hopeful lines of religious thought. Paul was the Jew turned Roman, an im- perialist, a statesman, of wide view and missionary fervor. Philo was the Jew turned Greeks the angel of the Alexandrian


schools, who had infused Hebraic elements into the moribund philosophizing of the Egyptian Greeks, and thereby given it a renewed lease of life. That lease was to run just long enough to pour the Alexandrian thought into the Christian mold and give the new religion its peculiar dogmatic ap- paratus.

For three centuries, until A. D. 312, Christianity was nothing in the Mediterranean world save a curious sect dif- fering widely from the hundreds of other sects that claimed the allegiance of the motley population sheltering under the aegis of the Emperors. During those three centuries the Mediterranean was a peaceful avenue of imperial administra- tion, of trade, of civilizing intercourse. Its great ports teemed with a medley of people in whom the blood of all races from the Sahara to the German forests, and from Gibraltar to the valley of the Euphrates, was transfused. The little clans of high-bred men who had laid the foundations of this huge international empire had practically disappeared. The ma- chine carried itself on by its own momentum, while wars re- mained on distant frontiers, the work of mercenaries, insuf- ficient to stimulate military virtues in the heart of the Em- pire. It was, in fact, the economic vices that prevailed, materialism, irreligion, and cowardice.

The feeble constitution of the Empire was too slight a framework to support the vast edifice. Emperor succeeded emperor, good, bad, and indifferent, with now and again a monster, and now and again a saint. But the elements of decay were always present, and made steady progress. The army had to be recruited from the barbarians ; the emperor's crown became the chief reward of the universal struggle for spoils ; the Empire became so unwieldy that it tended to fall apart, and many competitors sprang up to win it by force of arms.


In 312 such a struggle was proceeding, and Constantine, one of the competitors, casting about for some means to fortify his cause against his opponents, turned to Christianity and placed himself under the protection of the Cross. What- ever his actual religious convictions may have been, there


can be no doubt that Constantine's step was politic While the pagan cults still retained the mass of the people through habit and the sensuous appeal, Christianity had now drawn to itself, especially in the western parts of the Empire, the serious minded and better class. Administrators, merchants, men of position and influence were Christian. Constantine needed their aid, and fulfilled the one condition on which he could obtain it by adopting their faith.

Thus suddenly Christianity, after its long struggle and many persecutions, became the official religion of the Empire. But Christianity was exclusive and the Emperor was its head; so conformity was required of all citizens of the Empire, and conformity could only be obtained by paying a price. The masses were wedded to their ancient cults, their ancient gods, their ancient temples, their ancient rites. To sweep them away at one stroke and to substitute something different was not possible. So a compromise was effected. The priests, the temples, the ritual, the statues, remained, but they were relabeled with Christian labels, under cover of which Christian ideas were slipped in, A great metamor- phosis took place of which the intelligent traveler and reader of to-day can still find traces:

'The fair form, the lovely pageant that had entwined the Mediterranean with sculptured marble, and garlands of roses, and human emotion, was fading into stuff for the fantasies of dreamers. The white-robed priest and smoking altar, the riotous procession and mystic ritual would no longer chain the affections of mankind. No longer would the shepherd blow his rude tibia in honor of Cybele, no longer would a thousand delicious fables, fine wrought webs of poetic imagination, haunt the sacred groves and colon- nades of the gods. Day after day, night after night, as con- stantly as Apollo and Diana ran their course in heaven, had all these things run their course on earth; now, under the spell of the man of Galilee, they had shivefed into a rainbow vapor, a mist of times past, unreal, unthinkable, save where the historian may reconstruct a few ruins or the poet relive past lives. And yet the externals in great part remained. For it was at the heart that paganism was struck, and it was there it was weakest It had attempted, but had failed, to


acquire a conscience, while the new faith had founded itself on that strong rock. Christianity had triumphed through the revolt of the individual conscience; it was now to attempt the dangerous task of creating a collective one."*


The establishment of Christianity at Rome came not a moment too soon to infuse a little life into the fast-decaying Empire. Constantine himself helped to break it in two, a Roman and a Greek half, by creating a new capital, Con- stantinople. More ominous yet was the constant pressure of the Teutons at the frontier, a pressure that could now no longer be resisted. By gradual stages they burst through the bounds, and at the time Christianity was becoming the official religion of the Mediterranean world, Germanic tribes had al- ready extorted by force of arms a right to occupy lands within the sacred line of the Rhine and of the Danube. From that moment, for a century or more, the processes of Germanic penetration and of Roman disintegration were continuous, culminating in 375 with the great Germanic migrations and in 410 with the sack of Rome by Alaric and the Goths.

During the terrible half century that followed, the Roman world was parceled out among a number of Germanic princes, and of the old order only two things were left standing, a fragmentary empire of the East centering in Constantinople, and a bishopric of Rome of vastly increased importance that was soon to be known as the Papacy, and that already showed symptoms of attempting to regain by new means the uni- versal dominion which the Emperors had lost.

The Germans were crude and military; the Latins were subtle and peaceful, and when the storm of conquest swept through the West they sought safety in the cloister. "There, under the protection of the Latin cross, a symbol the bar- barians dare not violate, what was left of Roman intellectu- alism could cower while the storm blew over, presently to reissue as the army of Christ to conquer, with new-forged weapons, lands that the legions of their fathers had not even beheld." *

* Johnston, "Holy Christian Church,'* p. 146.

* Johnston, "Holy Christian Church," p. i6j.


The Latin churchmen quickly learned how to play on the credulity and the superstition of the simple German, while setting before him the lofty ideals and ethics of Christianity. They not only held him through religion but they soon be- came the civil administrators, the legislators, the guiding spirits of the Germanic kingdoms.

Civilization had now taken on a marked change, had be- come a composite in which Christianity and Teutonism were large factors. Perhaps this was all clear gain; but in the economic and material sense there had been great losses. Enormous wealth had been destroyed or scattered, and im- perial communication had broken down. The trader was no longer safe on the Mediterranean; the great roads of Rome were going to ruin ; boundaries of military states barred old channels of intercourse. Under these conditions civilization could only be more localized, weaker than before. And in fact the Teutonic kingdoms pursued for some time an ex- tremely checkered course.


Then came, in the seventh century, a new and even more terrible blast of devastation. Mohammed arose, created Islam, and started the great movement of Arab conquest. Within almost a few years of his death the fanaticized hosts of Arabia and the East were knocking at the gates of Con*- stantinople, and swept westward along the southern shores of the Mediterranean until the Atlantic barred their steps. They turned to Spain, destroyed the Visigothic kingdom, crossed the Pyrenees, and reached the center of Gaul before they were at last checked. The Franks under Charles Martel defeated them at Tours in 732, and perhaps by that victory saved Christendom. Had the Arabs succeeded in this last ordeal, who knows what the result might not have been? As Gibbon characteristically wrote : "A victorious line of march had been prolonged above a thousand miles from the rock of Gibraltar to the banks of the Loire ; the repetition of an equal space would have carried the Saracens to the confines of Poland and the Highlands of Scotland; the Rhine is not more impassable than the Nile or Euphrates, and the Arabian


fleet might have sailed without a naval combat into the mouth of the Thames, Perhaps the interpretation of the Koran would now be taught in the schools of Oxford and her pul- pits might demonstrate to a circumcised people the sanctity and truth of the revelation of Mahomet"

On the wreck of the Arab hopes the descendants of Qiarles Martel founded a monarchy which blazed into ephemeral power and glory under Charlemagne. In the year 800 the greatest of Prankish rulers revived the im- perial title, and was crowned by the Pope in the basilica of St. Peter's. But the old Empire could not be resuscitated, nor for the matter of that could the Prankish monarchy long maintain the preeminent position it had reached. A new visitation was at hand, and Charlemagne before he died saw the horizon of his northern seas flecked by the venturesome keels of the first of the northern pirates.


Por about two centuries Europe passed through an epoch of the deepest misery. Danes and Scandinavians ravaged her from the northwest, Saracens from the south, so that only the upper Rhine and Danube, harboring a rich Teutonic civilization, escaped destruction. The Carlovingian Empire broke into pieces. Prankish, Lothringian or Burgundian, and Germanic, with the last of which went the imperial title. And this disintegration might have continued indefinitely to chaos had not feudalism appeared to fortify and steady de- clining civilization.

Only force could successfully resist force, and at every threatened point the same mode of local resistance sprang up. Men willing and able to fight protected the community, and exacted in return certain services. They soon began to build castles and to transmit their powers, together with their lands, to their heirs. Lands soon came to be viewed as related to other lands on conditions of military and other services. The Church followed the example, until, finally, by the eleventh century, one general formula underlay western European ideas: that every individual belonged to a class, and enjoyed certain rights on the performance of


various services to a superior class, and that at the head of this ladder of rank stood either the Emperor, or the Pope, or both. The last step was a highly controversial one; on the first all men were agreed.

By this time feudalism had done its best work in restoring more settled conditions, and bringing to a conclusion the northern and southern piracy. From Sicily to the marches of Scotland, Europe was now one mass of small military principalities, only here and there held together in more or less efficient fashion by monarchies like those of France and England, or by the Empire itself. Every trade route was flanked by fortifications whence baronial exactions could be levied on the traders. And when, under more peaceful con- ditions, great trading cities came into existence in Italy, Germany, the Netherlands ^a fierce struggle arose for mas- tery between burghers and feudal potentates.

Meanwhile the Church itself had developed great am- bitions and suffered the worst vicissitudes. While under the Frankish protection, Rome had acquired the temporal domain she was to hold until September 20, 1870, when she was dispossessed by the newly formed Kingdom of Italy. With this territorial standing, and impelled forward by the mighty traditions of ancient Rome and of the Church, she deliberately stretched out her hand under Gregory VII (Hildebrand) in an attempt to grasp the feudalized scepter of Europe. The Germanic Empire, the offshoot of the greater domain of Charlemagne, resisted. The great parties of Guelphs and of Ghibellines, imperialists and papalists, came into existence, and for a long period tore Germany and Italy in vain attempts at universal supremacy.

Inextricably bound up with the feudal movement, and with the enthusiasm for the service of the Church that Rome for a while succeeded in creating, came an interlude, religious, chivalrous, economic, the Crusades. Out of superabundant supplies of feudal soldiers great armies were formed to re- lieve the Holy Places from the profaning presence of the infidels. The East was deeply scarred with religious war and its attendant butcheries, and little remained in perma- nent results, save on the debit side. For the Crusades had proved a huge transportation and trading enterprise for the


thrifty republics of Genoa and Venice, and led to a sfreat expansion of oriental trade; while the West had once more been to school to the East and had come back less religious, more sceptical. And from the close of the period of the Crusades (1270) to the outbreak of the Reformation, two hundred and fifty years later, economic activity and the growth of scepticism are among the most prominent facts, while immediately alongside of them may be noted the birth of the new languages, and, partly resulting from all these forces, the Renaissance.


For a while the Papacy, spent by its great effort of the eleventh and twelfth centuries, went to pieces. The Latin ideas for which it stood began to lose ground rapidly as Dante created the Italian language (1300), and as, in the course of the next two centuries, French, English, and Ger- man assumed definite literary shape. There was not only a loss of faith in Latin forms, but a desire to transmute re- ligious doctrine into the new modes of language, and espe- cially to have a vernacular Bible. Assailed in this manner, Rome stimulated theological studies, helped to create the mediaeval universities, and tried to revivify the philosophy which Alexandria had given her in the creeds by going back to the texts of the golden age of Greece with Aquinas.

It was of no avail. Europe felt a new life, a new nation- alism moving within her. Voyages of discovery to India, to America first stirred imaginations, and later poured into the itching palms of ambitious statesmen, soldiers, artists, vast stores of gold. The pulse of the world beat quicker. Con- stantinople fell, a thousand years after its foundation, into the hands of the Turk, and its stores of manuscripts, of art, of craftsmen, poured into Italy. Men became inventors, innovators, artists, revolutionaries. Cesare Borgia at- tempted, but failed, to create an Italian empire. Martin Luther attempted to secede from the Church, and succeeded.

He declared that a man could save his soul by the grace of God only, and on that basis started a wrangle of ideals and of wordy disputations that plunged Europe once more


into an inferno of warfare. It lasted until 1648, the peace of Westphalia, when it was found that on the whole jthe northern parts of Europe had become Protestant and the southern had remained Catholic.


At this very moment Louis XIV was beginning the reign that was to mark out for France the great position she held in the Europe of the last two centuries. The age of feudal- ism was fast passing. The last great feudatories had worn out their strength in the wars of religion. The monarchy had gained what they had lost, and now set to work in the splendor and pageantry of Versailles to reduce the once semi-independent feudal soldier into a mincing courtier. The Bourbons succeeded in large part. They remained the autocrats of France, with the privileged orders of the clergy and aristocracy at a low level beneath them, and in un- checked control of the machinery of government. That ma- chinery they soon began to abuse. Its complete breakdown came with the French Revolution in 1789.

This dramatic event resulted from a large number of con- vergent and slow-acting causes. Among them we may note the fearful mismanagement of the Bourbon finances, inade- quate food supply, and the unrest of a highly educated middle class deprived of all influence and opportunity in matters of government. That class got control of the States General which became a national assembly, and set to work to destroy Bourbonism in the name of liberty, equality, and fraternity. Between the inexperience of this assembly and the impo- tence of the Court, rose the wild force of the Parisian mob, which eventually drove France into war with outraged Europe, and brought the Bourbons, with thousands of the noblest and best as well as a few of the worst people of France, to the guillotine.

War which became successful, and the feebleness of the republican government that succeeded the Reign of Terror, inevitably made for a military dictatorship and a restoration of the monarchy. Napoleon Bonaparte, the greatest upstart in history, held France by his magnetic gaze and iron grasp


for fifteen years, while he organized her as no European country had ever been organized, and with her might in his control darted from torrid Egypt to arctic Russia in a megalomaniac frenzy of conquest. He fell, leaving France so exhausted that, for a brief spell, the Bourbons returned.

It had taken all Europe to pull down